A group of cheerful young men splash around in a pool, and one man dramatically soaps himself, to cheers from the crowd. Sri Lankans dance in ornate corridors, become iconic flat The band played festive music with trumpets and drums.
On July 13, 2022, crowds swarmed the Presidential Palace, forcing then-leader Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country.
This is a triumphant moment for them.
Hundreds of thousands of people from across Sri Lanka defied a nationwide curfew and marched peacefully to the presidential palace, braving tear gas and water cannon, calling on Rajapaksa to step down.
For weeks he has resisted calls to resign, even as his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa has resigned as prime minister in an attempt to quell public anger.
Months of protests, known in Sinhala as “aragalaya” (struggle), culminated in events in July 2022 that led to Mr. Rajapaksa’s humiliating and hasty ouster.
Just a few months ago, such an event would have been unthinkable.
Getty ImagesOver the years, the Rajapaksa family, headed by Mahinda, has exerted a sinister control over Sri Lankan politics.
Mahinda Rajapaksa presided over this bloody end in his first term. Sri Lanka’s civil war against Tamil Tiger rebels. The victory helped establish him as the nation’s “savior” among the island’s Sinhalese majority – his most ardent supporters likened him to an emperor.
As his power grew, so did his family. Critics say he appointed his brother Gotabaya as defense minister, a position he wielded ruthlessly. Two other brothers – Basil and Chamal – served as finance minister and parliament speaker respectively.
The family appealed to a predominantly Sinhalese nationalist base. As a result, they have for years been shielded from accusations of corruption, economic mismanagement, widespread human rights abuses and a crackdown on dissent.
That changed in 2022, when a series of policies triggered the worst economic crisis the country has ever seen.
Seventeen years after Mahinda first became president, Sri Lankans celebrated the fall of the Rajapaksa family. I’m sure this family is finished..
But is it really so?
Cut to two years later, and Mahinda Rajapaksa’s son Namal has thrown his weight behind the presidential election on September 21.
“It’s bad enough that people were evicted after Alagalaya [mass protests] University student Lakshan Sandaruwan, who participated in the demonstration, told BBC Sinhala.
Namal is not the only Rajapaksa returning to the scene.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa himself – the man driven out by angry protesters – was not gone for long.
He returned just 50 days after his ignominious departure, first to Singapore and then to Thailand. After returning home, he received the privileges of a former president: a luxurious bungalow and security guards, all paid for by the government.
Getty ImagesOpposition politician Ranil Wickremesinghe was appointed president for the remaining two years of Rajapaksa’s term. The family-led Sri Lanka People’s Party (SLPP), which has a two-thirds majority in parliament, backed him.
before his unexpected promotionWickremesinghe, a six-time former prime minister, left his United National Party as the sole MP after a poor performance in the 2020 parliamentary elections.
He has been focused on rebuilding the economy. But he has been accused of protecting the Rajapaksa family and reuniting them while shielding them from prosecution – charges he denies.
Hours after Wickremesinghe became president, troops were deployed to clear crowds from Colombo’s Galle Face, which had been the center of the protests.
Dozens of soldiers raided the scene and dismantled the demonstrators’ tents and other belongings. In the following months, those who stormed the presidential palace and were seen walking out with “souvenirs” – such as bedsheets or the odd souvenir commemorating the historic day – Already in jail.
“Ranil protected the Rajapaksa family from the wrath of the people, ensured the continuity of the PPP-led parliament, cabinet and government, did nothing to stop corruption and even suppressed the progress of any investigation against members of the Rajapaksa family. ,” said political scientist Jayadeva Uyangoda.
“He also protected them from international pressure to hold them accountable for serious human rights violations and war-related charges.”
This has angered many Sri Lankans who are going through a cost-of-living crisis and suffering more as a result of reforms aimed at reviving a stagnant economy.
Getty ImagesAlthough there are no shortages or power outages, prices have skyrocketed. The government has also eliminated subsidies for necessities such as electricity and cut welfare spending.
At the same time, tax revenues also increased as Wickremesinghe sharply increased tax rates and expanded the tax network to shore up public revenue.
Some economists say the painful measures are necessary to restore its macroeconomic stability as Sri Lanka attempts to restructure its international debt and comply with the terms of a bailout agreed with the International Monetary Fund.
The country’s foreign exchange reserves have increased from a mere $20 million at the height of the crisis to about $6 billion, and the inflation rate is about 0.5%.
But the real-world impact on millions of ordinary Sri Lankans is devastating.
a study Lirne Asia, a policy research organization that surveyed 10,000 households, estimated that as many as 3 million people would fall below the poverty line by 2023, with the number of poor rising from 4 million to 7 million.
These families are starving and desperate for more money, and they are taking their children out of school.
The Rajapaksa family denies any wrongdoing, but in 2023 the country’s highest court ruled that the family, including Gotabaya and Mahinda, were directly responsible for economic mismanagement that triggered the crisis between 2019 and 2022. .
Nimesha Hansini, a university student in Colombo, told BBC Sinhala that she believed the Rajapaksa family was “directly responsible for the economic crisis because they committed financial fraud under the guise of development projects during their rule”.
“But nothing has changed for them – only their political power has declined,” she added.
“I have nothing good to say to them,” said Rashmi, a farmer in Hambantota, Rajapaksa’s traditional stronghold. “We suffered because of what they did. We voted for them before, but that will never happen again.
These are the ideas Namal Rajapaksa wants to change – he wants to win back his base.
His campaign revolved around the legacy of his father Mahinda, who is still regarded as a hero by some Sri Lankans.
This comes despite calls from some internationally for him to be prosecuted for war crimes. The United Nations estimates that 100,000 people were killed by Sri Lankan armed forces in the final stages of the conflict, including 40,000 Tamil civilians, but Mahinda Rajapaksa has never been convicted and denies such accusations.
Photos of Mahinda decorate Namal’s campaign rallies and his social media posts feature illustrations showing him as a young man with his father.
He even tried to emphasize the similarities between them, growing a long beard and wearing Mahinda’s signature red shawl.
Many of his campaign posts were defiant: “We are not afraid of challenges; we are not afraid of challenges.” In fact, we welcome them. I learned this from my father.
Another post called him “patriotic, brave and visionary.”
Professor Uyangoda said: “In my view, Namal Rajapaksa is not wrong in believing that representing his father’s legacy will allow him to protect and benefit from his father’s vote base.”
“This is a way to rebuild the PPP’s shattered electoral base.”
But many voters don’t appear to be buying the bill – polls show Namal is not a serious contender for the top job.
Getty ImagesComments on a campaign post on Namal’s Instagram account were scathing: “The latest heir to the Rajapaksa family is challenging for the presidency? Totally a family business isn’t it?
The local reaction was more vitriolic. “I will never vote for Namal Rajapaksa. Our years of misery are a curse for this family,” HM Sepalika, a villager who was resettled in Vavuniya in the north, told BBC Sinhala.
“The people of this country came together and staged this fight because they didn’t want the Rajapaksa family. But they still had so much greed and thirst for power that they tried to come back and ask people to vote for them ,” said Nishanthi Harapitiya, a shop assistant in Hambantota.
Others said they couldn’t take Namal seriously.
“Why is he asking us to vote? He’s an inexperienced kid. Who’s going to vote for him? Unless someone votes for him out of pity for their father, he can’t be elected president.
Attention is now focused on three candidates: Opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, Anura Kumar Dissanayake of the left-wing National People’s Party alliance, and Anura Kumar Dissanayake, who is running as an independent candidate. Wickremesinghe.
But Namal Rajapaksa may be playing a longer game.
Recent elections have shown that families or allies of once-unpopular strongmen do make a political comeback — such as Bongbong Marcos in the Philippines or even Prabowo Subianto in Indonesia. ).
“He wants to maintain political influence, protect the PPP’s voter base and remain politically active until 2029,” Professor Uyangoda said.
Lakshan Sandaruwan, a college student who participated in the demonstration, agreed.
“Namar is participating in the polls to prepare the necessary background for 2029, not to become president this time,” he said.
“But if the people do not act wisely, the people themselves will elect President Rajapaksa again.”
